March 17, 2026
In October 2025, Syria held elections for its unicameral legislative body. These elections were the first democratic steps of the new Syrian government and the first elections since the ouster of Bashar al-Assad about a year earlier. The process had numerous shortcomings, including indefinite postponements in certain districts, poor representation of women and minorities, and strong government regulation of the process. The result, however flawed, demonstrates that democratic traditions and elements of civil society remain alive in Syria even after years of civil war and Baathist repression.
The elections, it should be noted, were not necessarily an example of direct representative democracy. Of 210 seats, 10 were appointed directly by the president and 140 were allocated through an “electoral college” system. In this system, a subcommittee was created for each district to collect applications and select delegates, who then voted on an MP for their district. Constituencies had between 150 and 450 delegates.
The administration admitted that the system was not particularly representative. Rather, the stated goal was to select technocrats and community leaders to foster Syria’s transition. Efforts were made to ensure at least some minimal representation for non-Arab Sunni males by reserving 20% of delegate positions for women and inviting oversight and dialogue from representatives of various groups. International observers were invited to oversee the elections, which occurred without significant incident.
Regions of the country under Druze or DAANES control did not participate in the elections, leaving large gaps in minority representation. A total of six women and ten members of minority groups were elected. The power of this institution is minimal, as it requires a two-thirds majority to overrule a presidential decree. Consider that one-third of the body is appointed directly by the president. Still, even with these shortcomings, the body is undeniably better than nothing. In spite of Baathist oppression and civil war, Syria maintains a lively civil society. Incorporating this civil society into the administration, even in a limited way, would have a stabilizing and legitimizing effect on the new Syrian government.
Unfortunately, the new legislative body appears to have been stillborn. Al-Sharaa has not announced his picks for his third of the seats. This, coupled with the districts where elections were postponed, has left numerous vacancies. Worse, the legislative body has yet to hold its first session. Important details such as salaries, or when and how often the body would meet, have not been announced.
If anything, the 2025 elections demonstrate that the roots of democracy are still alive in Syria. Contrary to the nation’s portrayal by some in the West, Syria maintains a strong civil society, an ecosystem of journalism, and a democratic tradition. Moreover, the Syrian state retains the capacity to develop, plan, and administer a complex and novel system of elections in a fairly short time frame and under international observation. It was journalists, civil society groups, and those with democratic aspirations who first ignited the now-successful attempt to overthrow the Assad dynasty at the height of the Arab Spring. Comparatively, radical Islamists remain a small, albeit heavily armed, minority.
Democratic transition is not simply a form of liberal moral proselytization. Elections provide legitimacy to the ruling government and create a nonviolent outlet for opposition groups that might otherwise take up arms. Even a weak, imperfect legislative body would be a stabilizing factor for the new Syrian state. If al-Sharaa is unwilling to accept even minor checks on his power, Syria is unlikely to achieve the stability necessary to begin true and enduring reconstruction.
Alex Cross is a graduate student in the International Security M.A program at George Mason University. He has previously worked as a research assistant on the Conventional Firepower Index and as a Syria and Afghanistan analyst for the Global Terrorism Trends and Analysis Center in support of the State Department Country Reports on Terrorism. His research focuses on the analysis of contemporary conflicts and the effects of emerging technologies on the doctrine and capabilities of state and nonstate actors. He holds a B.A. in Government and International Politics from George Mason University.
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